2014年3月1日 星期六

Latest News Clips 2014.03.03

       
  1. Trans-Pacific Partnership: No deal at Singapore meeting 
BBC   Feb. 25, 2014  

TPP members have more negotiating to do after talks fail in Singapore 
An ambitious 12-nation free trade plan, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), has hit a new roadblock after four days of negotiations in Singapore. 
Sticking points over market access and differences over tariffs on imported goods were the main reasons cited. 

TPP members were also aiming to set a common trading standard on a range of issues, including labour regulation and environmental protection. 

Negotiators were initially hopeful that a draft deal would be ready in April. 
That is when US President Barack Obama is scheduled to visit the region. 
A TPP deal at that time would solidify the US pivot to Asia. 

Some analysts had suggested the US might be trying to use the TPP as a means to undermine China's growing economic power in the region. 

But differences on the issues of tariffs on imported goods, particularly between the US and Japan, are becoming difficult to overcome. 

Agricultural tariffs have become a bone of contention for Japan, which is trying to protect its rice, wheat, beef and pork as well as dairy and sugar from outside competition. 

Meanwhile, other TPP members with a fairly large agricultural sector available for export, are pushing for the elimination of all tariffs. 

  1. Will Ukraine's Crimea region be Europe's next 'frozen' conflict? 
Eastern Europe analyst, special to CNN  February 28, 2014

Armed men patrol outside the Simferopol International Airport in Ukraine's Crimea region on Friday, February 28. The gunmen, whom Ukrainian Interior Minister Arsen Avakov called part of an "armed invasion" by Russian forces, appeared around the airport without identifying themselves. Crimea is an autonomous republic of Ukraine with an ethnic Russian majority. It's the last large bastion of opposition to Ukraine's new political leadership after President Viktor Yanukovych's ouster. 

(CNN) -- The world's eyes may have been focused on the breathtakingly fast political changes unfolding in Ukraine's capital Kiev this week, but it is the Crimean peninsula, where dozens of gunmen raised the Russian flag over parliament Thursday, that should now be the primary source of concern for Ukraine's fledgling government and world leaders. 
Crimea is an autonomous republic whose history has long been marred by political tension. Gifted to Ukraine by Soviet Union leader Nikita Khrushchev in 1954, its population is ethnic Russian by just over half and Ukrainian by a quarter, while more than ten percent are Crimean Tatars who are fiercely anti-Russian as a result of Joseph Stalin's repression of the group a half century ago. 

Russia's strategically important Black Sea naval fleet is hosted at Sevastopol, the region's largest city, an arrangement that controversially extended until 2042 by the ousted Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, who was last seen fleeing Kiev. His whereabouts are unknown. 
The large Russian population of Crimea has long viewed the central government of Ukraine with suspicion. In recent days the mood has turned into aggressive hostility towards the new authorities in Kiev. Crimean Russians see the newly-powerful opposition movement as illegitimate, sponsored by the West, and even fascist. Anti-Ukrainian protests are being held, Russian vigilante groups have sprung up across Crimea, Russian flags have been hoisted on government buildings, clashes have broken out between Russian separatists and loyalist Tatars and Ukrainians, and the Russian military has been seen patrolling key buildings and infrastructure. 

The Russian Federation has done precious little to contain this dangerous dynamic. On the contrary, its state-sponsored media have covered the unrest in Crimea extensively and reiterated the Kremlin's view of the events in Kiev as a coup d'état. Envoys from Moscow have descended on Crimea to promise Russian citizenship to all who want it and even the region's re-integration into Russia proper. 
Meanwhile, Russia's foreign ministry is warning of violations of the human rights of ethnic Russians in Ukraine, while the Russian military is reportedly preparing lists for the evacuation of the families of seamen serving at Sevastopol. Snap military exercises have been ordered by Russian President Vladimir Putin close to Ukraine's borders. In short, the Kremlin is stoking the fires of the building separatism that can be observed in Crimea, despite its official commitment to non-interference and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. 
This situation bears all the hallmarks of several long-standing, often referred to as "frozen", conflicts in Eastern Europe. 

3.  China's Yuan Slides Against U.S. Dollar 
Drop to 10-Month Low Is Largest Since Revaluation in 2005 
The Wall Street Journal   Feb. 28, 2014 
  
Not worth quite what they were two weeks ago. Bloomberg News 
A two-week slide in China's yuan accelerated Friday, with the currency taking its biggest tumble since a 2005 revaluation on speculation the central bank is stepping up efforts to push it lower. 
A 0.9% drop against the U.S. dollar Friday brought the week's losses to 1.2%, more than twice the 0.5% loss that spooked the market last week, coming as it did after years of steady gains. The yuan is down 1.8% so far in 2014, wiping out more than half its 2.9% gain last year. 
The slide has been engineered by Beijing to thwart short-term speculators who are betting on a continued rise and to introduce greater two-way volatility into the trading. 

China's central bank is deliberately pushing the yuan down to prepare the currency for wider trading. Geoff Kendrick, head of Asian foreign exchange and rates strategy at Morgan Stanley, spoke to the WSJ's Jake Lee about the moves. 
China's currency managers have pushed its currency into a fast and sharp decline the past week. One motive seems to be to flush out speculators who have built huge positions betting that the yuan would keep marching higher against the dollar. Heard on the Street columnists Alex Frangos, Abheek Bhattacharya and Aaron Back debate what Beijing is up to with its latest currency moves. 
Still, the especially large move Friday took the market by surprise, as the central bank had set a slightly stronger morning reference rate for the currency, and it was flat in early trading. But later in the morning the slide accelerated, with traders saying the central bank was intervening in foreign-exchange markets through state-owned banks—buying up the U.S. dollar and selling the yuan. 
"There are large buyers buying the dollar onshore, and the offshore market is forced to follow," said a Hong Kong-based senior trader at a Chinese bank who asked not to be identified. 
The Yuan's Reversal 

The yuan touched 6.18 to the dollar in the onshore market, while tumbling in the offshore market in Hong Kong to 6.13 to the dollar. 
The currency has risen over 30% since that 2005 revaluation, which ended decadelong peg, but since hitting a record high of 6.04 to the dollar last month it has lost roughly 2%. The larger the number of yuan to the dollar, the weaker the yuan is. 


4.  Cry for Me, Argentina 
The New York Times     FEB. 27, 2014 


USHUAIA, Argentina — A bon mot doing the rounds in post-commodities-boom South America is that Brazil is in the process of becoming Argentina, and Argentina is in the process of becoming Venezuela, and Venezuela is in the process of becoming Zimbabwe. That is a little harsh on Brazil and Venezuela. 
Argentina, however, is a perverse case of its own. It is a nation still drugged by that quixotic political concoction called Peronism; engaged in all-out war on reliable economic data; tinkering with its multilevel exchange rate; shut out from global capital markets; trampling on property rights when it wishes; obsessed with a lost little war in the Falklands (Malvinas) more than three decades ago; and persuaded that the cause of all this failure lies with speculative powers seeking to force a proud nation — in the words of its leader — “to eat soup again, but this time with a fork.” 
A century ago, Argentina was richer than Sweden, France, Austria and Italy. It was far richer than Japan. It held poor Brazil in contempt. Vast and empty, with the world’s richest top soil in the Pampas, it seemed to the European immigrants who flooded here to have all the potential of the United States (per capita income is now a third or less of the United States level). They did not know that a colonel called Juan Domingo Perón and his wife Eva (“Evita”) would shape an ethos of singular delusional power. 
“Argentina is a unique case of a country that has completed the transition to underdevelopment,” said Javier Corrales, a political scientist at Amherst College. 
In psychological terms — and Buenos Aires is packed with folks on couches pouring out their anguish to psychotherapists — Argentina is the child among nations that never grew up. Responsibility was not its thing. Why should it be? There was so much to be plundered, such riches in grain and livestock, that solid institutions and the rule of law — let alone a functioning tax system — seemed a waste of time. 
Immigrants camped here with foreign passports rather than go through the nation-forming absorption that characterize Brazil or the United States. Argentina was far away at the bottom of the world, a beckoning fertile land mass distant enough from power centers to live its own peripheral fantasies or drown its sorrow in what is probably the world’s saddest (and most haunting) dance. Then, to give expression to its uniqueness, Argentina invented its own political philosophy: a strange mishmash of nationalism, romanticism, fascism, socialism, backwardness, progressiveness, militarism, eroticism, fantasy, musical, mournfulness, irresponsibility and repression. The name it gave all this was Peronism. It has proved impossible to shake. 


Latest News Clips 2014.02.24

                  
  1. Ukraine's president calls efforts to push him from office a 'coup    

CNN   Feb. 22, 2014 
Ukrainian opposition leader wants justice 
STORY HIGHLIGHTS 
  • NEW: Russia's U.N. ambassador says the West doesn't understand what's at stake 
  • President Viktor Yanukovych stopped at airport, a security official says 
  • Yanukovych calls action a "coup," says "I am the legitimate president" 
  • Opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko has been released from prison 

Kiev, Ukraine (CNN) -- Freed from prison, former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko returned Saturday to the battleground capital the same day the country's president said he left Kiev because of a "coup." 
Tymoshenko's release was the latest in a day of dramatic, fast-paced developments that saw Parliament vote to remove President Viktor Yanukovych from office and call for new elections. 
"Today, Ukraine has finished with this terrible dictator, Mr. Yanukovych," Tymoshenko told a cheering crowd of thousands in Kiev's Independence Square, the scene of deadly demonstrations. 
Just hours after her release from a prison hospital, Tymoshenko called for justice for protesters killed in demonstrations sparked by the President's decision to scrap a trade deal with the European Union in favor of one with Russia. 
"You were able to change Ukraine, and you can do everything," she told the crowd. "Everyone has a right to take part in building a European, independent state." 
Photos: Unrest in Ukraine 

But Yanukovych took to television airwaves, saying he had been forced to leave Kiev because of "vandalism, crime and a coup." 
"I don't plan to leave the country. I don't plan to resign. I am the legitimate president," he said in an interview from Kharkiv, a pro-Russian stronghold near Ukraine's border with that nation. 
"...What I am going to do next is to protect my country from the split, to stop the bloodshed. I don't know how to do it yet. I am in Kharkiv and I don't know what I am going to do next." 
He did not address reports that he attempted to leave the country by airplane. 
According to the head of Ukraine's Border Guard Service, Sergei Astakov, Yanukovych and his entourage attempted to board a charter flight without proper documentation in the eastern city of Donetsk. He was on the tarmac when he was turned back by security forces, Astakov told CNN, confirming an account he gave to Ukraine's Interfax news agency. 
In that account, Astakov said border security had approached the plane to check paperwork, and an armed group of people on the plane attempted to offer money to the inspectors to allow the flight to take off. 
When the inspectors refused the money, Yanukovych and others in his entourage exited the plane and got into two vehicles that drove up on the tarmac, Astakov is quoted as saying. 
Ukraine's dismissed interior minister, Vitaliy Zakharchenko, also was refused exit from the country in a similar incident at the same airport, Astakov said. 
The events of the day raise questions about just who is in control in Ukraine, with Parliament voting to oust Yanukovych and hold new elections on May 25. 
The vote came just 24 hours after Yanukovych signed a peace deal with the opposition intended to end days of bloody protests. 
                           
2.  A shocker from figure skating judges? 
CNN    February 22, 2014 
Kim, left, and Sotnikova were accompanied by bronze medalist Carolina Kostner of Italy during the flower ceremony. 
Controversy on ice 

STORY HIGHLIGHTS 
  • Amy Bass: Questions over fairness of figure skating judging at Sochi likely unfounded 
  • Bass: Controversy surrounds the event due to odd scoring and a history of shenanigans 
  • The judging lineup this time also is questionable, Bass says 
  • Bass: If skating wants a credible scoring system, it should use credible judges 

 (CNN) -- Oh, figure skating. Not again. Didn't anyone tell you? The Cold War is over. You are supposed to be reformed. 

At the Winter Olympics in Sochi, Russia, on Thursday, South Korea's Yuna Kim, a 2010 Olympic gold medalist, skated an ethereally beautiful and outwardly perfect long program in the ladies free skating competition. She then lost gold to Russia's Adelina Sotnikova. Few saw that coming. 

On paper, Sotnikova had one more triple jump than Kim, including the triple loop, which Kim does not do. Although Sotnikova had an awkward moment on her own double loop, her spins were faster, her jumps higher, and unlike Kim, who looked exhausted at the end of her gorgeous skate, Sotnikova flew across the ice with great speed and then looked like she could do it all again. 

It should have been a great moment in Olympic sports: champion dethroned by a rising star, an upset, a shocker. Instead, it was controversial water cooler fodder the next day because the results raised so many questions: Did the youngster, a bit rough around the edges, deserve such high marks? Was she really better in just about every element, including her components mark, which was an astonishing 4.81 points higher than at the European championships last month? 
Surprising skating win spurs controversy 

Setting aside her extreme margin of victory, there are reasons to think the judges got the podium right. Three-time world champion Elvis Stojko, for example, who had always accentuated an aggressive style over artistry, praised the marks, pleased that the judges rewarded Sotnikova's athleticism and degrees of difficulty over Kim's elegance. Figure skating is, after all, a sport. 
But if it wants to be treated like one, it has to act like one. 
There is a long history of controversy and scandal that continues to hang over the International Skating Federation, particularly as Russia's first individual female gold medalist (and on home ice, no less) brings familiar echoes of the Cold War. And during the team competition, there were murmurs, to be sure, overEvgeni Plushenko's high marks. It appeared to some that the judges bolstered his score based on his dynamic presence and the sentimental drama of the legendary champion's return to the ice to lead the home team to gold, rather than the difficulty of his program and his execution of it. 

3.  A new prime minister in Italy 
A man needs a mandate 
If Matteo Renzi is to clean up Italy’s mess, he needs to call an election 
The Economist   Feb 22nd 2014   


LAST week we featured Argentina on our cover, as a formerly wealthy country undone by the weakness of its political institutions. Italy is in some danger of following down the same path. Its GDP has fallen in real terms by almost 10% since the financial crisis hit six years ago, more than in any other big rich economy; income per head in Italy is now lower than it was when the country joined Europe’s single currency in 1999; youth unemployment is running at 40%; and government debt stands at over 130% of GDP. Other euro-zone countries have been battered by the markets, but the fundamental reason for Italy’s decline is the failure of successive governments to run the place properly. 

That explains why there is such excitement over the imminent arrival of Matteo Renzi as Italian prime minister. It also underlines the scale of the challenge he faces. There is plenty of reason to be enthusiastic. At 39, Mr Renzi will be Italy’s youngest-ever prime minister, a refreshing change from the country’s usual tired gerontocrats. He is an energetic and forceful outsider who is not tainted by long association with the discredited Italian political class. Moreover, he is fizzing with bright ideas for his first 100 days: a new electoral law to increase the chance that governments will be strong enough to implement their policies; labour-market liberalisation that helps create jobs; a shake-up of Italy’s sclerotic and dysfunctional public administration; constitutional change; and tax reforms. If such a hugely ambitious agenda could be realised, it would do much to restore the country (see article). 

And yet Mr Renzi may not prove able to push these reforms through. Although he was elected the leader of Italy’s centre-left Democratic Party in December and has long been mayor of Florence, he has never been a member of the Italian parliament or even served as a minister. Mr Renzi has shown a ruthless streak in pushing aside his party colleague, Enrico Letta, who was picked to serve as prime minister after an inconclusive election less than a year ago. But he will be leading a baggy left-right coalition similar to Mr Letta’s and to the bipartisan group that backed his predecessor, the technocratic Mario Monti. Both these men tried their utmost to push through the radical reforms that Italy needs; both found it near-impossible, with such a set-up, to overcome entrenched opposition. Mr Renzi could have a hard time with his party’s left, with the unions, with his partners, with Silvio Berlusconi’s opposition party and with followers of the maverick Beppe Grillo. 

It is possible that the new man could find reserves of resilience and toughness to succeed where his two respected predecessors did not, in which case more power to his elbow. But he is vulnerable, and not just to the usual difficulty of running a fractious government and coping with vested interests. He already faces sharp criticism for being the third man in a row to be made Italian prime minister without presenting himself to the electorate as a candidate. The polls say he is Italy’s most popular politician, but they also suggest that voters disapprove of his stabbing the decent Mr Letta in the back. 
Ask the voters 

The obstacles to change in Italy are gigantic. It would be easier to overcome them with a more cohesive government and a clear thumbs-up from the voters. Mr Renzi is talking of serving as prime minister until 2018, the end of the current parliament’s term. Instead, he should push through the electoral reforms that he has already agreed with Mr Berlusconi, and then call a snap election. Mr Renzi may be the right man to deal with Italy’s chronic economic problems, but he needs a proper mandate to change his country.