1. A Partisan War Awaits Trump. That Just Might Suit Him.
President
Trump may have to choose between escalating the partisan warfare in Washington
and trying to reach bipartisan deals.CreditCreditGabriella Demczuk for The New York
Times Nov. 7, 2018
WASHINGTON — President Trump will wake up on Wednesday morning to a
radically new political environment as he confronts the prospect of a two-year
partisan war with a Democratic-run House armed with subpoena
power and empowered to block his legislative agenda.
Combative
by nature, happier in a fight, the president may now have to choose between
escalating the pitched conflict that has torn Washington apart in recent years
and attempting the sort of reach-across-the-aisle conciliation that has rarely
marked his presidency so far.
After
waging a divisive and racially charged campaign, Mr. Trump signaled in the days
leading up to Tuesday’s vote that he may soften his tone going forward,
although past nods toward bipartisanship have never lasted long. With his party
no longer holding all the levers of power in Washington, he cannot bypass the
opposition if he hopes to transform his priorities into law.
Perhaps
just as important, he will no longer have Republican majorities to guard his
flank against investigations into all manner of
issues that Democrats are eager to examine. The new House may press far
more deeply into his personal and political affairs, demanding the tax returns
he has kept secret, delving deeper into any ties with Russia and exploring any
conflicts of interest.
At
its most extreme, a Democratic House could even potentially pose an impeachment
threat against the president depending on the results of the investigation by
the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, who has remained quiet during the
campaign, although party leaders are wary of such a move.
“The
administration will be under higher scrutiny and accountability by a Democratic
House,” said former Representative Tom Davis, Republican of Virginia. “Look for
more investigations and subpoenas. The honeymoon is over. Voters voted to put a
check on the president rather than giving him a blank check.”
Mr.
Trump became the fourth president in a row to endure a major midterm setback.
Bill Clinton’s Democrats lost both houses of Congress in 1994, George W. Bush’s
Republicans lost both houses in 2006, and Barack Obama’s
Democrats lost the House in 2010 and the Senate in 2014.
But
Mr. Clinton and Mr. Obama both bounced back from their first-term defeats to
win re-election two years later, finding it useful politically to have an
opposition to play off. In his time in politics, Mr. Trump has been at his most
comfortable and confident when he has an enemy to joust with.
“The subpoena process and investigations will
be difficult,” said Marc Short, a former White House legislative director for
Mr. Trump. “But there’s probably nothing that could help the president’s
re-election prospects better than having Nancy Pelosi as speaker.”
Former
Representative Steve Israel, Democrat of New York, said the election results
were a “mixed bag” for the president. “With a House Democratic majority, he has
the foil he needs for his re-election campaign in 2020,” Mr. Israel said. “But
no president wants the other party with subpoena power — certainly not this
president.”
On
the campaign trail, Mr. Trump characterized the midterm elections as a
referendum on his presidency, telling supporters that they needed to vote for
Republicans to continue his policies and guard him against impeachment. He made
clear that he would cast a victory as a personal vindication while
pre-emptively insisting that if Republicans lost, it would not be a repudiation
of him.
2.
The Global
Impact of a Chinese Recession
The Project Syndicate Nov 7, 2018
Most economic forecasts suggest
that a recession in China will hurt everyone, but that the pain would be more
regionally confined than would be the case for a deep recession in the United
States. Unfortunately, that may be wishful thinking.
CAMBRIDGE – When China finally has its inevitable growth recession –
which will almost surely be amplified by a financial crisis, given the
economy’s massive
leverage – how will the rest of world be affected? With US President Donald
Trump’s trade war hitting China just as growth was already slowing, this is no
idle question.
Typical
estimates, for example those embodied in the International Monetary
Fund’s assessments of
country risk, suggest that an economic slowdown in China will hurt everyone. But the acute pain,
according to the IMF, will be more regionally concentrated and confined than
would be the case for a deep recession in the United States. Unfortunately,
this might be wishful thinking.
First, the effect on international
capital markets could be vastly greater than Chinese capital market linkages
would suggest. However jittery global investors may be about prospects for
profit growth, a hit to Chinese growth would make things a lot worse. Although
it is true that the US is still by far the biggest importer of final
consumption goods (a large share of Chinese manufacturing imports are
intermediate goods that end up being embodied in exports to the US and Europe),
foreign firms nonetheless still enjoy huge profits on sales in China.
Investors
today are also concerned about rising interest rates, which not only put a
damper on consumption and investment, but also reduce the market value of
companies (particularly tech firms) whose valuations depend heavily on profit
growth far in the future. A Chinese recession could again make the situation
worse.
I
appreciate the usual Keynesian thinking that if any economy anywhere slows,
this lowers world aggregate demand, and therefore puts downward pressure on
global interest rates. But modern thinking is more nuanced. High Asian saving
rates over the past two decades have been a significant factor in the low
overall level of real (inflation-adjusted) interest rates in both the United
States and Europe, thanks to the fact that underdeveloped Asian capital markets
simply cannot constructively absorb the surplus savings.
Former
US Federal Reserve chair Ben Bernanke famously characterized this much-studied
phenomenon as a key component of the “global savings glut.” Thus, instead of
leading to lower global real interest rates, a Chinese slowdown that spreads
across Asia could paradoxically lead to higher interest rates elsewhere –
especially if a second Asian financial crisis leads to a sharp draw-down of
central bank reserves. Thus, for global capital markets, a Chinese recession
could easily prove to be a double whammy.
As
bad as a slowdown in exports to China would be for many countries, a
significant rise in global interest rates would be much worse. Eurozone
leaders, particularly German Chancellor Angela Merkel, get less credit than
they deserve for holding together the politically and economically fragile
single currency against steep economic and political odds. But their task would
have been well-nigh impossible but for the ultra-low global interest rates that
have allowed politically paralyzed eurozone officials to skirt needed debt
write-downs and restructurings in the periphery.
When
the advanced countries had their financial crisis a decade ago, emerging
markets recovered relatively quickly, thanks to low debt levels and strong
commodity prices. Today, however, debt levels have risen significantly, and a
sharp rise in global real interest rates would almost certainly extend today’s
brewing crises beyond the handful of countries (including Argentina and Turkey)
that have already been hit.
Nor
is the US immune. For the moment, the US can finance its trillion-dollar
deficits at relatively low cost. But the relatively short-term duration of its
borrowing – under four years if one integrates
the Treasury and Federal Reserve balance sheets – means that a rise in interest
rates would soon cause debt service to crowd out needed expenditures in other
areas. At the same time, Trump’s trade war also threatens to undermine the US
economy’s dynamism. Its somewhat arbitrary and politically driven nature makes
it at least as harmful to US growth as the regulations Trump has so proudly
eliminated. Those who assumed that Trump’s stance on trade was mostly campaign
bluster should be worried.
3.
Alibaba Goes International to Hit New Singles’ Day
Record
The Bloomberg Nov.09,
2018
This
Singles’ Day to be the last with Jack Ma as chairman
Alibaba
targeting Southeast Asia as it seeks global expansion
Alibaba
Group Holding Ltd. is looking beyond borders to turn its annual Singles’
Day shopping celebration into a global phenomenon.
This
Sunday, the Chinese internet giant is including sales from Lazada, the online
shopping mall it controls. Southeast Asia’ biggest web retailer is becoming a
key part of Alibaba’s plan to fuel growth, on top of the company’s efforts to
move into shopping malls, convenience stores and food delivery.
Jack
Ma, center, flanked by celebrities during the Alibaba Singles’ Day festival in
Nov. 2017.
The
challenge for billionaire Jack Ma’s online empire is to break another sales
transaction record after a decade of exceeding prior results. With a brewing trade war, a cooling economy and
rising competition from smaller platforms such as JD.com Inc. and Pinduoduo
Inc., Alibaba is seeking to add new growth engines. The retail celebration on
Nov. 11 dedicated to the nation’s unattached has become an important bellwether
not just for the company, but also the world’s No. 2 economy.
“Singles’
Day has now become a stage for Alibaba to showcase its capabilities across all
its platforms,” Daniel Zhang, chief executive officer, said at an October news
conference in Beijing. He’s taking over after Ma steps down as executive
chairman next year.
It
was Zhang who came up with the idea of turning Singles’ Day into a shopfest a
decade ago. Now that this year’s one-day bazaar will be Ma’s last as chairman,
Zhang will need to prove he can carry on the legacy. “We think 1 billion
packages will become a daily event in the future,” he said.
More
than half a billion people are projected to visit Alibaba’s websites in search
of Dyson hair dyers, infant formula and Gucci bags. Alibaba has been able to
post breakneck growth for almost a decade, including a 39 percentjump in sales last year
to 168 billion yuan ($24.2 billion).
Still,
there’s some uncertainty this year, due to a slowing economy, real estate
deflation and trade tensions with the U.S. that could impact on Chinese
consumption. The weaker economy and rising household debt have, to some extent,
dampened consumers’ confidence in China.
Online
retail sales growth slowed to 24 percent, down 12 percentage points in the
second quarter, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. Policy makers
have made a slew of changes, including reductions in income tax and tariffs on
goods. That indicates spending may pick up in coming months; the earliest proof
could come from data during Singles’ Day.
Last
week, Alibaba reported quarterly profit
and sales well above analysts’ estimates, while trimming its prediction for
full-year sales by as much as 6 percent, with Ma warning that the economic
conflict between the world’s two largest economies could last 20 years.
To
fuel growth, Alibaba is expanding its playbook. Ele.me, the startup it took
control of this year, will provide delivery services for select Starbucks
stores across 11 cities in China. Rural Taobao will offer coupons for goods
across 800 counties, and Lazada will roll out promotions across six Southeast
Asian countries including Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand.
Although
it’s been three years since Ma said he wants to make Singles’ Day a global
shopping event, that hasn’t happened yet. International expansion will be a key
part of Zhang’s plan to keep breaking sales records. Last year, Russia, Hong
Kong and the U.S. were the top three regions outside of mainland China to buy
goods during the annual event. Popular items purchased overseas included mobile
phones, wool coats and knitted sweaters, according to the company.
At
the same time, Alibaba’s efforts to push into the U.S. are sputtering. It
discarded a pledge to create a million jobs in the country, lost its top U.S.
dealmaker and jettisoned plans for affiliate Alipay to acquire MoneyGram. U.S.
President Donald Trump said in October that he plans to withdraw from a
192-nation treaty that gives Chinese companies discounted shipping rates for
small packages sent to American consumers, making it harder to push into the
market.
Southeast
Asia will give the clearest indication of Alibaba’s ability to go
international. With Singapore-based Lazada now fully under its wing, the region
remains one of the company’s relative bright spots.
The
slump in China’s advertising sector is also hurting Alibaba. A significant
chunk of revenue comes from merchants spending money across the e-commerce
giant’s platforms to lure customers. That item, which falls under the category
“customer management revenue,” rose 26 percent in the latest quarter, compared
with 35 percent in the prior period.
“The
macro slowdown has affected advertisers’ sales performances and thus their
online ad spending budgets,” Ella Ji, an analyst at China Renaissance, wrote in
a report.
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