1. Trump Meets India’s Leader, a Fellow Nationalist Battling
China for His Favor
The New York Times June 27, 2017
President
Trump, Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India and Mr. Trump’s wife, Melania,
outside the White House on Monday.
WASHINGTON
— President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, two
nationalist leaders with a shared passion for social media, met Monday as India
sought to vie with China for Trump’s favor in the region.
Trump
lavished praise on Modi, calling him a “true friend” with ambitious plans to
fight corruption and cut taxes. The two men also share a devotion to Twitter
and Facebook to bypass the media and reach their publics directly.
The
display of warmth, a senior White House official said, was at least partly
aimed at President Xi Jinping of China, who has disappointed Trump in recent
weeks by failing to impose more pressure on neighboring North Korea to curb its
nuclear and ballistic missile programs.
Pointedly,
Trump noted that India had helped the United States enforce sanctions on North
Korea. “The North Korean regime is causing tremendous problems,” he said, “and
it’s something that has to be dealt with — and probably dealt with rapidly.”
Modi
returned the favor, praising Trump’s “vast and successful” business experience,
which he predicted would galvanize relations between the United States and
India. He also invited Trump’s daughter Ivanka to a conference of entrepreneurs
in India.
Yet
the mutual admiration masked a more complicated dynamic between India and the
United States. While ties between the two have grown steadily closer over the
last two decades, India faces new uncertainties with Donald Trump, who has
shown less interest than his predecessors in maintaining a web of trade and
security alliances in Asia.
India,
like other countries in the region, has watched Trump’s cultivation of Xi with
concern. His trade and immigration policies, particularly limits on
visas commonly used by technology workers from India, have added to the
jitters, as did his decision to pull out of
the Paris climate accord.
“India
would like to continue to deepen its friendship, but Trump can only be an
object of concern, even if he tweets lovely compliments after dinner,” said
Ashutosh Varshney, director of the Center for Contemporary South Asia at Brown
University. “India might get a good deal, or not a bad deal, or a bad deal, or
no deal. Who can say?”
For
now, the United States and India are finding common cause in pushing back
against China’s maritime ambitions. Before Modi’s visit, the Trump
administration approved the sale of 22 surveillance drones to India, which New
Delhi can use to eavesdrop on Chinese naval movements in the Indian Ocean.
Trump also spoke about a huge joint naval exercise in the Indian Ocean that
will involve Japanese, Indian and American warships.
India
has its own deep-rooted suspicions of China. Xi’s marquee development project —
known as One Belt, One Road — seeks to knit together China, South and Central
Asia, and Europe through a vast array of ports, roads and railways, mostly
funded by China. India views the project as a threat to its historically
dominant position in South Asia.
The
sale of the Guardian drones builds on years of deepening cooperation between
the United States and India on maritime security, as India searched for ways to
track Chinese submarines entering the Indian Ocean.
Though
India is traditionally wary of military alliances, the two countries have
explored ways to create a naval network that would balance China’s maritime
expansion. Among the proposals are joint naval patrols in the South China Sea,
an idea India has so far rejected.
The
drones, which have never before been sold to a non-NATO country, could be
especially valuable if they are flown over the Andaman and Nicobar islands,
giving India control of a choke point that is one of China’s greatest marine
vulnerabilities.
They
could be used with India’s fleet of Poseidon surveillance aircraft, which it
acquired from the United States beginning in 2013, said David Brewster, a
visiting fellow at the National Security College of Australian National
University. The Poseidon “sub-hunters” can also be staged from the Andaman and
Nicobar island chain.
2. As Trump, South Korea's president meet North Korea and free
trade on front burner
- President Donald
Trump has been critical of the free trade deal with South Korea, calling
it "unacceptable."
- President Moon
Jae-in is set to meet Trump in two-day summit amid a rift over the
THAAD anti-missile system.
- Trump once suggested Seoul should pay more for US troops stationed in South Korea to protect against North Korean threat.
CNBC 28 Jun 2017
President
Donald Trump's mixed messages to Seoul leave little doubt that there's
likely to be some intense discussions behind the scenes this week during South
Korean President Moon Jae-in's two-day summit in Washington.
"Both
of them are going to work very hard to put a positive public face on it,"
said Doug Bandow, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, a libertarian
Washington think tank. "But the South Koreans are quite nervous."
Moon,
who took office in May, begins the summit Thursday and is likely to hear
Trump's demands on renegotiating a U.S.-South Korea free-trade deal and the
administration's latest approach to the nuclear and ballistic missile threat
from North Korea, including ongoing efforts to get China to pressure Pyongyang.
And Moon's push back on the U.S.-supplied THAAD tactical missile defense system
is likely to be another hot-button issue for discussion.
At
the same time, during the presidential campaign Trump indicated Seoul should
spend more money on its own defense, suggesting that if they didn't he would be
prepared to pull out the roughly 28,000 U.S. forces stationed in South Korea.
"The
South Koreans need the United States a lot to help defend against the
north," said Thomas Henriksen, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution,
a public policy think tank at California's Stanford University. "So that
tempers any sort of extreme views that the South may have toward President
Trump."
Moon,
a former human rights lawyer, has been seen as more liberal in his approach to
North Korea than his predecessor and open to engagement with the hermit regime.
The new South Korean president could turn back the clock to the days when the
so-called Sunshine Policy by Seoul allowed funds to go to Pyongyang from a
Kaesong joint factory complex located in North Korea.
Ironically,
if Moon gets his way and reopens the Kaesong factory, it could turn back the
clock to the early 2000s when Seoul had policies seen as softer to the North
and had to contend with a more hardline stance from another Republican in the
White House.
"We
could sort of see a replay like we had when George W. Bush was president and
there was more of a hardline [policy] on North Korea," said Dean Cheng, a
senior research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, a Washington-based conservative
think tank. "That was one of our less coordinated periods of U.S.-South
Korea relations."
Kaesong,
a duty-free zone, opened in 2004 and at one time employed more than 50,000
North Koreans but was closed by Moon's conservative predecessor in 2016. More
than 120 South Korean companies had participated in Kaesong and it represented
around $2 billion in trade with North Korea.
Reopening
Kaesong could put Moon at odds with the Trump administration, which has been
tightening economic sanctions against Pyongyang and pushing for more action by
the United Nations' Security Council.
Then
again, some experts suggest the Trump administration may let Moon's more
pro-engagement policy with the North to play out because Seoul may ultimately
get its fingers burned in the process and then draw back to a more conservative
approach in step with Washington.
"The
South Korean president might get mugged by reality," said Henriksen.
"The North Korean regime is very hard to deal with."
Added
Henriksen, "Even though things are going along fairly smooth, then they'll
[North Korea] just change their mind. They've broken so many agreements that
this makes everyone a little bit wary of entering into a treaty or into some
sort of deal with them."
3.
How Chinese Rule Has Changed Hong Kong Since 1997
The Bloomberg July
29, 2017
On
July 1, 1997, the Chinese national flag was raised over Hong Kong for the
first time, ending 156 years of British rule and beginning an unusual
experiment in democracy by Beijing. As President Xi Jinping visits the
city for the 20th anniversary, he’s facing new questions about China’s
commitment to the handover deal and human rights in general.
1. Why is 20 years a big deal?
Every
year the anniversary generates emotional responses from both celebrants of
China’s post-colonial resurgence and protesters worried about Hong Kong’s
future as a beacon of capitalism, free speech and the rule of law. This year
carries special significance because China only promised to leave Hong Kong’s
“high degree of autonomy” intact for 50 years. In 2022, when the city’s
incoming chief executive Carrie Lam’s term expires, that promise will have more
days behind it than ahead of it.
2. What will happen July 1?
Xi
is making his first visit to
Hong Kong since taking power in 2012. It’s the first presidential inspection
tour since pro-democracy protests shut down parts of the city
in 2014 and helped spawn a more confrontational independence
movement. Thousands of police have been training for months to prepare for a huge annual protest
march and any flare-ups of civil disobedience.
3. Why is Hong Kong so important?
Hong
Kong’s status as a top financial center rests in part upon its reputation as a
safe place to put your people and investments. More broadly, the
city shows how well Beijing adheres to agreements such as the Sino-British
Joint Declaration, which in 1984 set out the terms of Hong Kong’s
return. that document enshrines principles like democracy and independent
courts that are hard to reconcile with China’s one-party system.
4. What exactly was Hong Kong
promised?
Hong
Kong’s charter, known as the Basic Law, preserves British common law
and other colonial tenets such as property rights, free speech and an
independent judiciary under a framework called “one country, two systems.” The
biggest fights have focused on a provision that says the city’s chief executive
must eventually be chosen by “universal suffrage.”
5. Has China kept its side of the
bargain?
Two
decades on, Hong Kong’s leader is still chosen by a committee of 1,200
political insiders. China’s most significant attempt to enact the universal
suffrage clause failed in the legislature in 2015 after months of protests by
democracy advocates, who argued the take-it-or-leave-it proposal would
ensure only proven Beijing loyalists became candidates.
6. How autonomous is Hong Kong
really?
Zhang
Dejiang, the Communist Party’s No. 3 official, said in May that China’s
relationship with Hong Kong was based on a “delegation of
power, not power-sharing” and warned the city against confronting Beijing.
China has shown an increasing willingness to assert its authority in Hong Kong,
especially over what it views as threats to national security. Last year,
China told the U.K. government to “stop interfering” after it criticized the
abduction of Hong Kong booksellers critical of Communist Party leaders. In
November, China’s top legislative body made the unprecedented decision to intervene in a Hong Kong
court case and instruct judges on how to interpret local law. The move led to
the ouster of two pro-independence lawmakers and paved the way for similar
actions against eight more.
7. What’s the impact on the local
economy?
While
foreign businesses say they’re watching for any erosion to Hong Kong’s rule of
law, the city routinely ranks among the world’s top business destinations.
Still, China’s efforts to boost economic ties with Hong Kong are putting
pressure on locals and foreigners alike, driving up property prices to
world-beating levels and crowding out Wall Street banks
from the local initial-public-offering market.
8. Where does Hong Kong go from
here?
Just
30 years before China’s guarantees expire, there’s little prospect of a
political breakthrough between Hong Kong’s feuding factions. A continued
hiatus may begin to weigh on long-term financial decisions as the 2047 deadline
approaches. While Lam, the next chief executive, has promised to heal divisions,
she faces pressure from Beijing to take a hard line and resolve lingering
political debates. In April, the mainland’s top legal affairs official in Hong
Kong warned that the government would consider scrapping
“one country, two systems” if the concept became a threat to China.
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